MULLAJI CASE
(CHANDABHOY GULLA CASE)-19l8-19l9 The case known as the
"Mullaji's
Case" or " Chandabhoy Gulla Case", is among the longest and most
remarkable
cases ever tried in the High Court of Bombay. The suit was filed
about
1918 or 1919 by the Advocate-General at the instance of certain
relators,
against the Mullaji Saheb, the High Priest of the Dawoodi Borah
Community,
as the principal defendant. It lasted for about six months before
Mr.
Justice Marten, and was heard during its most interesting and important
stages,
not in the High Court premises, but at first for a few days at the
Judge's
residence, and latterly in a private bungalow specially hired for the
purpose.
As Sir Thomas Strangman,
the
Advocate-General, who filed the suit and appeared for the plaintiff
throughout
the trial, observes in his book "Indian Courts and Characters",
the
case is remarkable not only for its length, but for the amazing claims
put
forward on behalf of the Mullaji, the like of which have never been put
forward
in any Court of Law. The suit related to a mosque in Bombay known
as
the Chandabhoy Mosque and the tomb of Chandabhoy. There was no
evidence
to show that this man Chanda bhoy was anything but an ordinary trader
like
the rest of the Dawoodi Borahs; but for some mysterious reasons, after
his
death, his tomb came to be venerated as the shrine of a saint, whose
intercession
with God, purchased by means of prayers and donations offered at his
tomb,
would effect miraculous cures making the sick sound, the blind see, and
the
halt and lame move about, which belief had prevailed among the masses
of
the community for over a century at the time of the suit. The
devotees
made voluntary offerings at the tomb in cash and kind, placing them in
a
"gulla", or till, kept near the tomb. In course of time, these
offerings
amounted to very large sums of money; and after meeting the expenses of
maintaining
the mosque and the tomb, there remained large surpluses which were
invested
in various immoveable properties.
The main question in the
suit
was whether the mosque, the tomb, the offerings and the investments
made
from the surplus funds were charitable in the legal sense.
Normally,
there would be no question that they would constitute a public charity
amenable
to the jurisdiction of a civil tribunal. The position, however,
was
hotly contested on behalf of the Mullaji Saheb who was in charge of the
mosque,
tomb, funds and properties relating thereto. The question turned
upon
certain peculiar religious tenets of the Dawoodi Borahs and the
peculiar
position of the Mullaji Saheb in the eyes of his followers.
According
to the contentions put forward on his behalf there could be no trust
enforceable
in a Court of Law in regard to these properties, for the Mullaji, as
ultimate
representative of God on earth, was infallible and immaculate; he was
accountable
only to the "Imam in seclusion", whose immediate representative he
was.
Incidentally, it was denied that Chandabhoy was a saint, and it was
contended
on this account and for other technical reasons that neither the tomb,
nor
the offerings, nor the investments could form the subject of a
charitable
trust. Strangman remarks that the main contention raised a
question
not only of great importance but of the greatest interest, viz.,
whether
there could be a trustee of earthly assets accountable for his trust to
no
earthly tribunal.
The case created
considerable
excitement in the community. Matters had come to such a pass that
the
Mullaji had excommunicated the persons who put the Advocate-General in
motion,
and who, although members of the Dawoodi Borah Community, were hostile
to
the Mullaji Saheb. "Naturally enough" says Strangman, "with
feeling
running so high and the vast bulk of the community solidly behind the
Mullaji,
it was difficult for me to obtain evidence, either oral or documentary,
in
support of my case. Although from first to last the Mullaji kept
his
people in strict check, it required considerable courage for any member
of
the community, what ever his belief, to go into the box and face a
Court
crowded with the more fervent element of the Mullaji's
supporters."
Summing up his position, Strangman remarks that "when I closed my case,
I
felt there were so many gaps that it was doubtful whether, even if the
evidence
stood alone and unchallenged, it would suffice for a decree in my
favour.
The Mullaji and his supporters were, however, all anxious to give
evidence.
The defendants' counsel were reluctant to take the risk of leaving the
record
as it stood: the Mullaji and many of his principal supporters, a vast
host,
went into the box. My case was proved with their aid and
that
of a number of documents which began to filter into the hands of my
solicitors."
Strangman shortly
summarises
the peculiar religious beliefs of the Dawoodi Borahs, who, although
Shiah
Muslims, held their head priest or spiritual leader in profound and
peculiar
veneration as a divine or semi-divine personality. It appears
that
Almustansir, the Eighth Fatimite Khalif of Egypt, regarded by his
followers
as the Eighteenth Imam, and who reigned about the time of William the
Conqueror,
sent a missionary to Yemen in Arabia, not only to preach the Shiah
Faith
of the Fatimite Khalif, but also to rule over the country. The
missionary
and his successors were known as the "Sultanis" or "Dais" of
Yemen.
On the death of the Eighteenth Imam, a dispute arose regarding his
succession,
and the Sect was divided into two.
According to the Borah
faith,
the last revealed Imam was Tayeb, who succeeded as the twenty-first
Imam
in the early part of the twelfth century, and subsequently went
into
"seclusion", i.e., withdrew himself from the world. According to
this
faith, there has been a regular succession of Imams since the death of
Tayeb,
though all of them have been in seclusion. The Imam as
representative
of the Prophet, and through him the representative of God, having
withdrawn
from the world, someone must represent him, and so ultimately the Deity
on
earth. The Dai, according to their belief, is that
representative.
In the 16th century the Dai ceased to be Sultani in Yemen and migrated
to
Guzerat. The Mullaji against whom the suit was filed was the
Fifty-first
Dai, the line having been carried on by the holder of the office
appointing,
during his lifetime, his successor. As Sultanis in Yemen the Dais
no
doubt had sovereign powers: it was not claimed that any of these
sovereign
powers survived after their migration to India.
During the trial, the
plaintiff
gave up the prayer to have fresh trustees appointed or to deprive the
Mullaji
of his management of the suit properties. It was not alleged that
there
had been any misapplication of the Gulla funds, nor that there had been
any
breach of trust, apart from the denial of the trust.
Although the defendants
admitted
that on the death of the Dai the properties passed on to his successor
in
office, they still argued that there was no charitable trust
enforceable
in a court of law, and that the Mullaji Saheb was not accountable to
anybody
except the Imam in seclusion. The argument was based on the tenet
that
the Mullaji Saheb was the representative of God on earth and as such
was
infallible and immaculate; he was also the Master not only of the
property,
but also of the mind, body and soul of each of his followers who were
bound
to obey him implicitly and could not question his acts. The
defendants
contended that infallibility was inconsistent with accountability as a
trustee,
and mastership was inconsistent with trusteeship. The Dai was the
absolute
owner of the Gulla offerings given to him as "Dhani",
"Malik"
or owner.
In the earlier stages of
the
trial, it was contended for the defendants that the Mullaji Saheb was
in
fact God, or for all practical purposes God, and that this suit was a
sacrilege.
This contention was, however, eventually withdrawn.
Marten J. who tried this
protracted
suit, held that it was incorrect to say that Mullaji Saheb was in
effect
God, or for all practical purposes God, or that it was a sacrilege to
bring
the present suit. He said that the Dai's powers were at least
thrice
delegated: viz. by God to the Prophet, by the Prophet to the Imam, and
by
the Imam to the Dai-ul-Mutlak. The Judge wound up this part of
the
defendants' case with the trenchant remark, "spiritual heads of
communities
are not generally remarkable for the modesty with which they state
their
pretensions".
Referring to the religious
books on
which
the defendants relied, the judge observed that in none of those books
was
there any indication of the claim, which the Mullaji was specifically
putting
forward, as regards the Dai being the absolute owner of everything
appertaining
to the community. Reliance was placed on certain texts of the
Koran.
Referring to them, Marten J. observed that he was not satisfied that
the
scriptures substantiated the claims of the Mullaji to ownership of the
minds
and properties of the followers. He referred to the evidence in a
Surat
case given by the defendant's father, the 49th Dai, to the effect that
he
claimed not the slightest interest in the property; and observed that
the
attitude taken up by the 49th Dai was totally inconsistent with the
claims
put forward by his son, the present Mullaji. Moreover, the
defendants
could not produce a single instance of such extreme claims having been
exercised
by any Mullaji prior to the present suit; and the defendants' own
witnesses
made it clear that these claims were at best purely theoretical.
The
judge concluded that the defendants' claims were the result of the
stress
of the suit, and that it they ever existed before the trial, nobody
regarded
them seriously or as giving any legal rights.
Proceeding, the judge
observed
"high-ranking people could be trusted not to commit criminal breach of
trust;
but that did not mean that they were beyond the pale of the law.
For
example, His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, could not conceivably
commit
a criminal offence; but he was nevertheless subject to the criminal
law,
and this fact involved no slur. So, too, in theory the Mullaji
Saheb
was amenable to the criminal and civil law of this country, though it
was
unthinkable that he would commit any offence. But the existence of this
civil
restraint is no more a slur upon an honest trustee, than the existence
of
criminal restraint is upon an honest citizen. The test of a trust
is
not whether the alleged trustee can ever commit a breach of trust,
which
is what the defendants' contention in effect amounts to."
The judge then referred to
a
book published by the Borah community, of which the latest edition was
edited
by the Mullaji. In this book, the Dai was referred to as "the
trustee
of the public funds of the community which it is his duty to dispose of
economically
as directed by the sacred laws of Islam". Considering all
the
circumstances, the judge held that all the properties in respect of
which
the declaration was sought were devoted to charitable purposes and that
the
Mullaji was a trustee thereof. The contention that there
could
be no Wakf of moveable property was rejected.
As regards
non-accountability,
he observed: "this claim is all the more surprising, because in effect
it
involves the infallibility of some 266 Amils (higher officials) and
numerous
other managers and officers under the Mullaji. No man can manage
personally
648 mosques, to say nothing of 69 gullas. The Mullaji must
therefore
act by agents. If then any such agent is corrupt or negligent,
why
should the community be without a remedy against him?" He,
therefore,
held that the Mullaji was theoretically accountable; but that no case
had
been made out for interfering with the management of the properties or
for
directing any accounts against him.
An appeal was presented
against
this judgment by the Mullaji Saheb, but the same was allowed to be
dismissed
on an adjustment being made in the decree of the trial court by the
insertion
of a proviso to one of the clauses: "Provided that the said third
defendant
Sirdar Saiyedna Taher Saifuddin Saheb and his successors in office may
at
any time place a box or other receptacle at any place outside the
actual
area covered by the enclosure in which the said tomb (of Chandabhoy) is
situate,
and indicate on or in the neighbourhood of such box that any offering
placed
therein is at the absolute disposal of the Dai-ul-Mutlak of the Dawoodi
Borah
community for any purpose charitable or not charitable as the said
Dai-ul-Mutlak
may direct. Declare that the decree in no way decides whether any
other
gulla funds or the general Dawat (administration) funds are charitable
funds
or not charitable funds." This clause was probably meant to be a
face-saving
device which would give the Dai-ul-Mutlak the right of absolute
disposal
as regards certain offerings. The language proposed ,to be
written
on the box however made it obvious that in so far as the absolute
authority
was limited to the box in question, the Dai-ul-Mutlak had no such
authority
over the other trust funds.
Concluding his account of
this
extraordinary case Strangman remarks: "Looking back on the
proceedings,
I think what impressed me the most, even more than the extravagance of
the
claims, was the personality of the Mullaji, a frail looking figure
possessed
nevertheless of an iron will, great determination, and organising
capacity.
At the time he assumed office the administration must have been
extremely
slack. Yet he managed in a very few years not only to pull the
administration
together but to obtain a hold upon his followers greater perhaps than
that
of any of his predecessors."
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